This paper introduces a series of case studies looking at education for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs). It examines the international human rights law framework for guaranteeing education to IDPs, focusing on issues such as non-discrimination and documentation that are particularly likely to arise in this context.

A short articlet on the barriers internally displaced persons are likely to face with regard to education.

A short article on natural disasters and internally displaced persons’ rights. Includes a section on access to education.

Brief about education and disability in Burundi in post-conflict recovery.

This paper argues that education for internally displaced persons is essential, both as a human right enshrined in international law and as a component of the peace-building process.

Key resource

As highlighted by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), refugee education is today in crisis. With millions of people who are currently refugees mainly hosted in low- and middle income countries as well as in least developed countries, the challenges are important. In view of Education 2030 – Sustainable Development Goal 4 and the recent massive influx of refugees UNESCO seeks to draw attention to the fact that, in order to guarantee the right to education for all, it is critical that all those in a refugee-like situation enjoy equal access to an education of good quality.

This Working Paper aims to provide an overview of the international legal framework protecting the right to education of refugees worldwide, including the obligations of States, as well as the main current issues. It also shows that, despite the existence of a strong applicable framework to guarantee the right to education of refugees worldwide, the challenges and obstacles encountered in this context may dramatically prevent its enjoyment. The paper also emphasizes that, even though ensuring the right to education is fundamental in all phases of the situation, there is a particular need to draw attention to the stabilisation phase. This phase relates to a structural context involving host states’ educational policies and legal frameworks as well as matters related to the adaptation and integration. With a view to effectively protecting the right to education for refugees and seeking sustainable policy solutions, the main features of the right to education – availability, accessibility, acceptability and adaptability – may offer a relevant framework for States to adopt and implement solid legal and policy national frameworks prohibiting discrimination or exclusion based on any ground and protecting fundamental rights. Therefore, sustainable policy responses based on effective implementation of States’ legal obligations will ensure the fulfilment of refugees’ right to education, responding to the ambition of an inclusive and equitable quality education by 2030.

A human rights analysis of schools reopening in England on 1 June 2020 after their closure due to the Covid-19. An Advisory Note to Independent SAGE.

Key resource

This paper was commissioned by the Global Education Monitoring Report as background information to assist in drafting the 2019 GEM Report, Migration, displacement and education: Building bridges, not walls.

In 2017, there were an estimated 258 million people living outside their country of origin. Of them, about 30 million were school-aged. Migrants include different groups such as refugees, asylum seekers, migrant workers, stateless, undocumented migrants and internal displaced persons. The right to education of migrants, irrespective of their legal or migration status, is guaranteed under international law on the basis of the human rights principles of equality and non-discrimination. The main treaties guaranteeing the right to education apply to all migrants. In addition, migrant-specific treaties include provisions on the right to education. This international legal framework applies only to the extent that states have committed to it. At national level, migrants face legal and practical barriers to effectively enjoying their right to education. Some states show good examples of protecting the right to education of migrants in law and in practice.

 

This study examines the relationship between institutional autonomy and the security of higher education institutions from violent and coercive attacks. The paper includes a review of the limited literature available, as well as a series of examples illustrating different forms of attacks. These include arrests related to classroom content in Zimbabwe, sectarian divisions in Iraq, impunity for murders of academics in Pakistan, and physical intimidation on campuses in Tunisia. The study suggests that institutional autonomy plays a direct and indirect protective function. It directly helps protect systems of higher education from government interference, making it more difficult for states to act as perpetrators. It also indirectly helps preserve higher education against actual and perceived politicization and ideological manipulation, which in turn might help insulate it from attacks by nonstate parties. The study suggests a framework for examining questions of autonomy and security which in turn suggests a need to develop strategies aimed at increasing autonomy and security simultaneously. This necessarily requires approaches aimed at encouraging states to fulfill their obligations not to engage in or to be complicit in attacks (negative obligations) and obligations to protect higher education from attack and to deter future attacks by holding perpetrators accountable (positive obligations). The study concludes with brief recommendations on how different stakeholders might work to encourage greater understanding and implementation of these obligations, including further research, expert roundtables and information-sharing, development of guidelines and related advocacy campaigns.

Si les données sur les attaques contre l’éducation sont devenues plus largement disponibles grâce à une meilleure prise de conscience et aux efforts des organisations nationales et internationales et des organes de contrôle, des lacunes de données critiques subsistent. Les systèmes de signalement peuvent être absents, médiocres ou déconnectés des réponses efficaces aux attaques contre l’éducation. Les moniteurs, ainsi que les victimes et les témoins, peuvent faire face à des menaces pour leur sécurité, ou l’insécurité peut empêcher les observateurs d’accéder aux zones où des attaques se produisent. De ce fait, un grand nombre d’attaques et incidents d’utilisation militaire ne sont pas signalés, ce qui compromet les efforts de calcul de leur prévalence.

Même lorsqu’il existe des mécanismes de signalement, les données ne sont pas souvent ventilées par genre, âge, lieu, type d’attaque ou auteur. Les violations telles que le recrutement d’enfants et la violence sexuelle par les forces armées ou les groupes armés à l’école ou sur le chemin de l’école sont souvent sous-déclarées. Les impacts des attaques contre l’éducation et de l’usage militaire – comme les jours d’école perdus, les abandons et les fermetures d’écoles – restent difficiles à calculer en raison de ces écarts. Et même lorsque la collecte de données a lieu régulièrement, leur analyse et leur signalement ne se produisent pas toujours à intervalles réguliers. 

Les pages suivantes présentent un Kit pratique pour collecter et analyser les données sur les attaques contre l’éducation exhaustif qui comble les lacunes susmentionnées dans la collecte de données ; favorise la collaboration intersectorielle sur la collecte, l’analyse et la communication des données ; et renforce et harmonise les définitions et les concepts liés aux attaques contre l’éducation.

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